Spoto, or shebeen

While shebeens came about as a response to the introduction of European liquor which was then prohibited to Africans, they were a natural development from the long practice of home brewing (Edwards, 1988).

A shebeen refers to an informal licensed (historically they were unlicensed) drinking home where alcohol is sometimes brewed, and always sold and served at an agreed time (Malahleha, 1984). The term shebeen derives from the Irish word ‘sibin’, meaning illicit liquor shop (Cooke, 2015).

In Botswana the term spoto (from spot) is commonly used to refer to shebeens. However, they are usually affectionately called by their owners and managers’ names, often women. For example, ‘kwa ga Masego’, or at Masego’s place.

The type of alcohol sold in a typical spoto is usually the home brewed khadi, bojalwa jwa Setswana and the factory made Chibuku.

Although they can have negative impacts such as high noise levels and drunkenness, shebeens are more than just drinking sites. They are also important spaces in the social life and cohesion of villages and towns in Botswana. Patrons usually discuss local affairs, some get advice from their drinking mates – and they also relax and unwind while drinking. Therefore, shebeens create a sense of social belonging and provide a critical networking public space for patrons, often the low-income and marginalised people.

Further, a spoto does not only offer affordable alcohol choice compared to a bar but also, as Suggs (1996) points out, ‘…carries the feel of a more relaxed, home-like place’. Usually chicken and dogs wander around scavenging for food and also some of the spoto home dwellers could be seen conducting household chores such as cooking or washing clothes in bath tubs not far from the patrons (Personal observation; Suggs, 1996).

It is worth pointing out that before the cash economy, sorghum beer was home brewed for household consumption. And for special occasions such as weddings as well as to mobilize community labour to help in farm work such as clearing the field and harvesting (Haggblade, 1984). Actually, the practice is still carried out today – more especially during funerals to galvanise young men for grave digging. During the digging, the young men usually indulge in plenty of meat and sorghum beer; although in most cases, Chibuku, the commercialised version.

Over the years, shebeens have flourished across Botswana villages, towns and in the highly deprived areas of the capital, Gaborone. ‘For as long as there is no other establishment that can bridge the gap between the old and the new experiences and between the have and the have nots, then the shebeen will endure’ (Malahleha, 1984).

When I was growing up I was fascinated by shebeens. I always looked forward to collecting discarded Chibuku cartons at the spoto close to our house. My mother would then use the boxes as planters.

Together with my brother we’d marvel at the often high spirited patrons sitting on benches with a few attempting to dance to the catchy Dalom Kids tune.

While my parents and most elders were critical of shebeens, I had thought the first thing I’d do when I’m old is visit one.